In fact, the Fennica hadn’t seriously tried to leave.
When the Fennica headed down the Willamette at dawn July 30, it was a feint—a brief trip chiefly made to collect ammunition for Shell’s federal court fight with Greenpeace, according to several government officials monitoring the standoff.
Less than an hour after the Fennica turned around, Shell’s lawyers filed motions in U.S. District Court in Anchorage, Alaska, declaring Greenpeace had violated an April court order not to interfere with Shell’s drilling fleet.
At 10:48 am, U.S. District Judge Sharon L. Gleason ruled Greenpeace in contempt of court, and ordered the activists to pay Shell $2,500 for every hour they hung from the bridge.
Those fines—which Gleason said would spike to $10,000 an hour by the morning of Aug. 2—were big enough to make Greenpeace shiver. Perhaps more importantly, the judge’s ruling signaled to state and local officials that the Greenpeace activists were on the wrong side of the law.
“The court order did confirm for us there’s a responsibility to free up the bridge,” says Brian Shipley, Gov. Brown’s chief of staff. “It put a finer point on the fact we needed to do something.”
At that moment, Brown and Hales had already supported the removal of the Greenpeace activists from the bridge.
The two leaders talked by phone the night of July 29. People familiar with the call tell WW that Brown and Hales mostly tried to figure out who was in charge. They concluded it was the Coast Guard.
Brown and Hales were both stuck in an awkward position. They both face re-election next year, and crave the support of environmentalists.
Brown’s honeymoon with the environmental lobby hit the skids in June, when she unsuccessfully tried to bargain away a low-carbon fuel standard in exchange for a statewide hike in the gas tax. Both the mayor and the governor also needed to demonstrate that Portland was open for business. Hales especially felt pressure after his May about-face to block the propane pipeline proposed by Canadian company Pembina.
Yet staffers in Brown’s and Hales’ offices say they never seriously considered letting the protesters stay in the air indefinitely.
“Despite our own personal feelings, the ship had legally done nothing wrong, and was someone else’s private property,” says Josh Alpert, Hales’ chief of staff. “Because the protesters had done a tremendous job of getting their message out, the next step was to return the property to its owner. Using the law as our guide was the only option.”
Hales had another worry: The longer the Greenpeace activists stayed in the sky, the greater the chance that protesters gathering in Cathedral Park would put down roots and attract new allies. Sources tell WW the mayor wanted to avoid a repeat of Occupy Portland, which took over two downtown parks for 39 days in 2011.
As Greenpeace’s and Shell’s lawyers argued over the phone with the federal judge in Anchorage on July 30, Hales arrived at the U.S. Coast Guard “Station Portland” on Swan Island—a building that became the war room for law-enforcement efforts to get the activists down.
Hales was met by Brown’s top staffers. (The governor had just boarded a plane to travel to Washington, D.C., for a previously scheduled visit with Oregon’s congressional delegation.)
Inside the station, Coast Guard brass walked state and city officials through a plan to lower the dangling activists to the water.
Local officials were dubious. They worried aloud about worst-case scenarios. What if the activists refused to come down? What if they fought with police in midair? What if that struggle caused a protester to plunge out of the sky? What if the crowd on the shore started to riot?
The mayor’s and the governor’s staffs left the station a few minutes before noon having signed off on a plan: A Portland Police Bureau “rope rescue team” would first ask the Greenpeace activists to voluntarily come down to boats waiting below. If the protesters refused, the cops would transfer them to ropes held by law enforcement, and lower them against their will. They would remove enough activists to let the Fennica through that day.
At 1:32 pm, U.S. Coast Guard Capt. Daniel Travers set the plan into motion with an email to the governor’s office.
“As discussed,” Travers wrote, “I request Oregon Department of Transportation and Oregon State Police cooperation and support to close the St. Johns Bridge and assist with enforcement of federal and state law violations by the rappellers and potential non-compliant kayaktivists/other protesters. Please advise if you need anything else from me. Thanks greatly for your support!”
Thirteen minutes later, Shipley gave the go-ahead.
結果 (
日本語) 1:
[コピー]コピーしました!
実際には、フェニカ真剣に残してしようとしていなかった。フェイントだったときに、フェニカは向かったウィラメット、7 月 30 日の明け方、-主にこう着状態を監視するいくつかの政府高官によると、グリーン ピースとシェルの連邦裁判所の戦いのための弾薬を収集するために作られた簡単な旅行。1 時間未満後に、フェニカ振り向く, シェルの弁護士動き米国地方裁判所に提出、アラスカ州アンカレッジでシェルの掘削の邪魔にない 4 月裁判所の命令に違反していたグリーン ピースを宣言する艦隊。10:48、アメリカ地区裁判官シャロン L. グリーソン軽蔑の裁判所は、判決を下したグリーン ピースとシェル $2,500 を支払う彼らは橋から 1 時間ごとに活動家を命じた。これらの罰金-グリーソンとは 8 月 2 日の朝、1 時間 1万ドルとスパイク、グリーン ピースは震えるように十分な大きさでした。おそらくもっと重要なは、裁判官の判決は状態とグリーン ピース活動家は法律の反対側に、地元の当局者に通知されます。ブライアン ・ シプリー、ブラウン知事の参謀は言う「裁判所の命令確認しました私たちの橋を解放する責任がある」。「それは実際に何かする必要ありましたに。 細かい点を置く」その瞬間、ブラウンおよび Hales が既にサポートされている橋からピースの除去。両首脳は 7 月 29 日の夜電話で話をしました。呼び出しに慣れている人は、茶色と・ ヘイルズ主担当だった把握する試みた WW を教えてください。彼らはそれが沿岸警備隊と結論。ブラウン ・ ヘールズは厄介な立場で立ち往生しました。彼らは両方再選挙次の年に直面し、環境保護の支援を切望します。環境のロビーとブラウンの新婚旅行は、彼女がガソリン税の州全体の引き上げと引き換えに低炭素燃料基準を売り渡すに失敗したとき、6 月の破滅をヒットしました。知事と市長は、ポートランドがビジネスのために開いていたことを示すにも必要。カナダで特にフェルト圧力後彼はプロパン パイプラインをブロックする回れ右が提案・ ヘイルズ Pembina を会社します。まだ茶色の Hales のオフィスでスタッフと言う彼らは決して真剣に抗議者は空気に無期限に滞在させることを考慮します。「私達の自身の個人的な感情にもかかわらず船がいた法的に何も悪いと誰かの私物だった」ジョシュ ・ アルパート ・ ヘイルズの参謀長は言います。"抗議者は、彼らのメッセージを得るための途方もない仕事を行っていた、次のステップは、プロパティをその所有者に戻しています。私たちのガイドとして法律を使用して、唯一の選択肢だった。」・ ヘイルズいた別の心配: 長くグリーン ピース活動家に滞在した大きい空大聖堂の公園に集まって抗議者が根をおろすし、新しい同盟国を集めるチャンス。ソースは、市長が、2011 年に 39 日間の 2 つのダウンタウンの公園を引き継いだ占有ポートランドの繰り返しを避けたいと思った WW を教えてください。As Greenpeace’s and Shell’s lawyers argued over the phone with the federal judge in Anchorage on July 30, Hales arrived at the U.S. Coast Guard “Station Portland” on Swan Island—a building that became the war room for law-enforcement efforts to get the activists down.Hales was met by Brown’s top staffers. (The governor had just boarded a plane to travel to Washington, D.C., for a previously scheduled visit with Oregon’s congressional delegation.)Inside the station, Coast Guard brass walked state and city officials through a plan to lower the dangling activists to the water.Local officials were dubious. They worried aloud about worst-case scenarios. What if the activists refused to come down? What if they fought with police in midair? What if that struggle caused a protester to plunge out of the sky? What if the crowd on the shore started to riot?The mayor’s and the governor’s staffs left the station a few minutes before noon having signed off on a plan: A Portland Police Bureau “rope rescue team” would first ask the Greenpeace activists to voluntarily come down to boats waiting below. If the protesters refused, the cops would transfer them to ropes held by law enforcement, and lower them against their will. They would remove enough activists to let the Fennica through that day.At 1:32 pm, U.S. Coast Guard Capt. Daniel Travers set the plan into motion with an email to the governor’s office.“As discussed,” Travers wrote, “I request Oregon Department of Transportation and Oregon State Police cooperation and support to close the St. Johns Bridge and assist with enforcement of federal and state law violations by the rappellers and potential non-compliant kayaktivists/other protesters. Please advise if you need anything else from me. Thanks greatly for your support!”Thirteen minutes later, Shipley gave the go-ahead.
翻訳されて、しばらくお待ちください..
