Japan's Role in the Refugee Crisis
Japan has been quick to donate money, but slow to welcome refugees.
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By Mina Pollmann
September 11, 2015
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Japan has never been famous for its acceptance of foreigners – and this insularity shows in its refugee policy. While no one can find fault with Japan’s financial generosity in support of refugees, its acceptance of only 11 candidates out of about 5,000 asylum applications in 2014 is nothing to be proud of.
Last year, Japan gave $181.6 million to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the UN’s refugee agency, making it the second largest donor behind the United States. In the first half of this year, Japan has already given $167 million to the UNHCR, again, ranking second. Furthermore, back in January, when Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe visited Egypt, he pledged $200 million in aid specifically for refugees from Iraq and Syria displaced by the rise of the Islamic State (IS).
However, generous financial action has not translated to a welcome for refugees. Japan is aware of the refugee crisis swamping Europe, with the UNHCR expecting at least 850,000 people to be displaced by the Syrian civil war this year. In response, Yasuhisa Kawamura, spokesperson for the Japanese foreign ministry, said in a statement: “Japan, in collaboration with the international community including the United Nations, will consider what it can contribute in response …” It appears that Japan stands ready to dole out more cash – but not ready to accept more refugees (though Hiroaki Ishii, executive director of the Japan Association for Refugees, believes that could change).
In fact, Japan’s Ministry of Justice is considering changes that could potentially make it harder for applicants to seek asylum in Japan. These proposed changes would deal more strictly with individuals who apply because they want to continue working in Japan, rather than because of persecution back home. Measures include deporting failed applicants, curbs on repeat applications, and pre-screening new asylum seekers. UNHCR, the Japan Federation of Bar Associations, and activists criticize the proposals for not providing enough protection for potential refugees and making it even harder for potential refugees to be granted recognition.
Hiroaki Sato, a Ministry of Justice official, claims that “we’re not looking to increase or decrease the number of refugees coming to Japan, but to ensure real refugees are assessed quickly.” And indeed, it is hard to assess the net impact of the proposed changes – which also include widening the definition of a refugee. Currently, Japan recognizes as refugees those who fear persecution in their home country due to ethnic, religious, or political reasons. Fear of physical abuse may become a legitimate reason to be granted asylum status. But those who are fleeing conflict will continue to not be recognized, according to Sato.
Perhaps the greatest irony in all this is that Japan actually needs more people. Of course, refugees are not the world’s top-earning migrants, but at the end of the day (or the century, more aptly), Japan is simply going to need more labor. Taking a lead in addressing the refugee crisis – and resettling them in Japan – will undoubtedly be difficult. Financially, Japan still struggles to recover from decades of deflation, and bureaucratically, any functioning framework to accept and assimilate refugees into Japanese society would require more inventiveness than Japanese policymakers have demonstrated so far.
But beyond making demographic sense in the long-term, resettling refugees will also burnish Japan’s humanitarian credentials on the international stage, and could head off another round of criticisms about Japan’s “checkbook diplomacy.” Peter Sutherland, a special representative of the UN secretary general for migration and development, has already called on Japan, the United States, and wealthy Gulf states to “face their responsibilities” with regards to Syrian refugees this week.
Similarly, UNHCR’s Japan office wrote in a July position paper: “Given the dire global refugee situation, with an ever increasing number of new refugee emergencies, including the ongoing Syria crisis, it is hoped that the Government of Japan will favorably consider the admission of Syrian refugees on humanitarian grounds, in order to preserve the protection space for Syrian refugees in the neighboring countries, as an important sign of international burden and responsibility sharing (emphasis added).”
Instead of focusing their energies on how to make minor adjustments to the letter of the law and quibbling over details, Japanese policymakers should engage in a creative and far-ranging effort to reinvent the immigration system and inject much-needed dynamism into Japanese society. Refugees would only be a small piece of the any such comprehensive overhaul of the immigration system, but there is potential here for Japan to see the refugee crisis as a catalyst to truly embrace its place in the world as a humanitarian leader.
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難民危機における日本の役割日本は、お金を寄付するクイックが遅い難民を歓迎するためにされています。Pollman_2_Brownミナ ポールマンで2015 年 9 月 11 日2.3 k261111 2.6 k を共有します。32 コメント日本では外国人である-の受諾のために有名ななかった、難民政策のこの島国根性を示しています。誰が難民を支援する日本の金融の寛大さの欠点を見つけることが、2014 年に約 5,000 のアサイラム アプリケーションからだけ 11 候補者の受諾の誇りです。昨年、日本は、国連高等弁務官 UNHCR)、国連難民機関のことをアメリカ合衆国の後ろに二番目に大きい提供者に $ 1 億 8160 万を与えた。今年上半期に日本から与え $ 1 億 6700 万、UNHCR に再び、ランキング 2 番目。さらに、1 月に、日本の総理大臣安倍晋三がエジプトを訪問したとき、彼は $ 2 億イラクとシリアのイスラム教の状態 (IS) の上昇によって転置されたから難民への具体的援助の約束。ただし、寛大な金融活動が難民の歓迎に翻訳しません。日本は今年、シリアの内戦によって移住させられる少なくとも 850,000 人を期待する UNHCR とヨーロッパを swamping 難民危機を認識。応答では、川村泰久、日本の外務省のスポークスマンは声明で言った:「日本、国連を含む国際社会と共同で検討する応答... どのような貢献ができる」それは、我が国は-より多くの現金を小出しにしない (ただし、難民支援協会事務局長石井弘明は、変えることができると考えている) より多くの難民を受け入れる準備ができて準備ができて表示されます。実際には、日本の法務省は、困難にすることができる可能性のある日本に政治亡命を求める申請の変更を検討しています。これらの提案された変更は、迫害ホームに戻るためではなく、日本では、作業を続行するために適用する人に厳しく対処します。障害が発生した応募者、繰り返しアプリケーションとプレ ・ スクリーニングの新しい庇護希望者の抑制をデポート措置が含まれます。UNHCR、日本弁護士連合会や活動家、ない認識を許可する潜在的な難民も困難になり潜在的な難民のための十分な保護を提供することの提案を批判します。佐藤弘明、法務省公式主張すること「を探していない、日本に来ている難民の数を増減させることが本当の難民をすばやく評価できるように」そして実際、それは-も、難民の定義を拡大する提案された変更のインパクトを評価するは難しいです。現在、日本を認識して難民として自国民族、宗教、または政治理由のための迫害を恐れる人。身体的虐待の恐怖は、難民申請を許可する正当な理由になることがあります。競合を逃げている人が認識されない、佐藤によると続けます。おそらくこのすべての最大の皮肉は、日本が実際により多くの人々 を必要があることです。もちろん、難民は世界のトップ獲得移民ではありませんが、一日の終わりに (または世紀より適切に)、日本は単により多くの労働を必要になります。リード-難民危機に対処し、間違いなくそれらは日本に定住できません。財政的に、日本はまだデフレの数十年から回復する闘争し、官僚、受け入れるし、日本社会への難民を吸収する任意の機能のフレームワーク日本の政策立案者がこれまでのところ示されているよりももっと創意工夫を必要となります。But beyond making demographic sense in the long-term, resettling refugees will also burnish Japan’s humanitarian credentials on the international stage, and could head off another round of criticisms about Japan’s “checkbook diplomacy.” Peter Sutherland, a special representative of the UN secretary general for migration and development, has already called on Japan, the United States, and wealthy Gulf states to “face their responsibilities” with regards to Syrian refugees this week.Similarly, UNHCR’s Japan office wrote in a July position paper: “Given the dire global refugee situation, with an ever increasing number of new refugee emergencies, including the ongoing Syria crisis, it is hoped that the Government of Japan will favorably consider the admission of Syrian refugees on humanitarian grounds, in order to preserve the protection space for Syrian refugees in the neighboring countries, as an important sign of international burden and responsibility sharing (emphasis added).”Instead of focusing their energies on how to make minor adjustments to the letter of the law and quibbling over details, Japanese policymakers should engage in a creative and far-ranging effort to reinvent the immigration system and inject much-needed dynamism into Japanese society. Refugees would only be a small piece of the any such comprehensive overhaul of the immigration system, but there is potential here for Japan to see the refugee crisis as a catalyst to truly embrace its place in the world as a humanitarian leader.
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